Geopolitical Affairs Archives - Page 51 of 52

China-North Korea Relations: 60 Years Between Friction and Cooperation

Posted on June 24, 2009May 25, 2026 by

Though once described by Mao Zedong as being as close as “lips and teeth,” the sixty-year history of the Sino-DPRK alliance has been littered with instances of tension and conflict. According to James Person, this history accounts for Pyongyang’s deep mistrust of China and its interest in developing a relationship with the United States, despite appearances to the contrary. Newly obtained documents from the archives of North Korea’s former communist allies shed light on past and present challenges to the Sino-DPRK alliance. Based on his research, Person believes new opportunities will emerge for the United States to engage with Pyongyang as 2012—the year by which the DPRK leadership has promised to deliver to its people a prosperous nation—approaches.

Wednesday, June 24, 2009

with

James Person

Cybercrime and the Global Economy: Implications for South Korea and the U.S.

Posted on May 28, 2009May 25, 2026 by

2008 05 28 cyberbrime icon

At the leading edge of the digital revolution, both the U.S. and South Korea have been radically transformed by widespread Internet use. Not only has this revolution changed the way people live and do business, it has also expanded the spectrum of illegal activity. Cybercrime has many faces: from computer hacking and online piracy of copyrighted content, to spam, spyware and malware, or any of a host of other issues unimaginable a few decades ago. How is the law faring against this ever elusive opponent?

Joseph DeMarco will share his perspective on the Internet revolution, evolving trends in cybercrime, and how developments on both sides of the law have forever affected the way businesses, individuals and criminals interact in the global economy. DeMarco will explain how American and Korean experiences of these problems are similar, in what ways they differ, and how each country can learn from the other in addressing the challenges presented by the darker side of the digital revolution.

Thursday, May 28, 2009

with

Joseph V. DeMarco
Partner
DeVore & DeMarco LLP

The Obama Administration and Korea: What’s in the Cards?

Posted on March 1, 2009May 25, 2026 by

On Sunday, March 1, 2009, Evans J.R. Revere, president of The Korea Society, hosted a panel discussion entitled “The Obama Administration and Korea: What’s in the Cards?” on an episode of Asian America TV on New York’s NYC-TV-25. Joining Revere was Jeffrey Shafer, vice chairman of Global Banking for Citi, and Professor Donald Zagoria of the National Committee on American Foreign Policy. The panel discussed the challenges facing the Obama Administration with regards to the United States’ relationship with South and North Korea.

The Obama Administration and Korea: What’s in the Cards?

Korea Society Fellow, Patron, and Corporate members,
please register HERE for complimentary tickets.

Join our membership program here!

E-News sign-up

Images

{gallery}How I Became a North Korean{/gallery}

China’s Rise and the Two Koreas: Politics, Economics, Security

Posted on February 10, 2009May 25, 2026 by

Entrenched relationships are being redefined across the Pacific, with China now South Korea’s number one trading partner and destination for foreign investment and tourism. What are the implications of this regional sea change for politics and security in East Asia?

Join us as Scott Snyder, author of China’s Rise and the Two Koreas: Politics, Economics, Security (Lynne Rienner, 2008), discusses the transformation of the Sino-South Korean relationship since the early 1990s with John Delury, director of the China Boom Project. Snyder considers the strategic significance of recent developments in China’s relationship with both North and South Korea and also assesses the likely consequences of those developments for U.S. and Japanese influence in the region. His meticulous study lends important context to critical debates regarding China’s foreign policy, Northeast Asian security, and international relations more broadly.

with

Scott Snyder
Author, China’s Rise and the Two Koreas: Politics, Economics, Security
Director, Center for Korea Policy at The Asia Foundation

Moderated by:

John Delury
Director, China Boom Project, Asia Society
Associate Director, Center on U.S.-China Relations, Asia Society

Co-sponsored by the Asia Society Center on U.S.-China Relations

Lee Myung-bak’s First 100 Days in Office: The Roots of a Summer of Discontent?

Posted on June 23, 2008May 25, 2026 by

The largest demonstrations in decades and political turmoil have beset South Korea since President Lee Myung-bak took office just a few months ago. Lee assumed the presidency riding a wave of voter support and with the promise that he would revitalize both the South Korean economy and the U.S.-ROK relationship. The take-charge approach that was the hallmark of his successful tenure as mayor of Seoul and his strong background in business were touted as harbingers of a new era in Korean presidential leadership. Lee also promised to take a fresh approach to dealing with North Korea, holding out the prospect of closer ties while also placing new demands on Pyongyang. Despite the promise of his new presidency, Lee’s approval rating has plummeted dramatically since his inauguration. Lee’s management of the reopening of Korea’s market to U.S. beef has become a lightning rod for opposition to his presidency. But the current discontent in South Korea appears to be about much more than beef imports.

What is the crisis really all about? What are its implications for political stability in the ROK? Is anti-Americanism behind the outburst of Korean popular animosity? What does the current crisis portend for the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement? What does it mean for U.S.-Korea relations? A distinguished panel of experts featuring Charles K. Armstrong, Scott Snyder, David Straub and Youngshik Daniel Bong will convene at The Korea Society to address these questions, and more, as we assess the first months of Lee Myung-bak’s presidency and take a hard look at what has been a remarkable period in Korea’s domestic politics.

Monday, June 23, 2008

with

Charles K. Armstrong
Director, Center for Korean Research, Columbia University

Scott Snyder
Senior Associate, The Asia Foundation/Pacific Forum CSIS

Youngshik Daniel Bong
Assistant Professor, American University

David Straub
Pantech Fellow, Shorenstein APARC, Stanford University

New Beginnings: Post-Election Prospects for U.S.-ROK Relations

Posted on April 15, 2008May 25, 2026 by

New Beginnings Project: Post-Election Prospects for U.S.-ROK Relations

During a press conference held in New York at The Korea Society, three members of the New Beginnings project delivered a summary of their just released report on the post-election prospects for U.S.-ROK relations.

The New Beginnings project was launched in January, 2008 under the joint auspices of The Korea Society and Stanford University’s Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center. With the inauguration of a new administration in South Korea and presidential elections scheduled in the U.S. for later in the year, 2008 affords great potential for Seoul and Washington to renew and refocus their alliance. In recognition of this potential, the project’s objective is to formulate recommendations on ways to improve bilateral relations for the consideration of the two nations’ leaders.

The members of the project who participated in the press conference were Michael H. Armacost, Shorenstein Distinguished Fellow, former U.S. ambassador to Japan and the Philippines and former undersecretary of state for political affairs; Thomas C. Hubbard, former U.S. ambassador to South Korea; Evans J.R. Revere, president of The Korea Society; Gi-Wook Shin, director of the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center; and David Straub, a former director of Korean and Japanese affairs at the State Department.

Even though the U.S. and ROK have overcome diplomatic turbulence as well substantive differences over their respective approaches to North Korea in recent years, it was noted that obstacles to closer engagement still remain. In particular, concern was voiced that anti-trade sentiment in the U.S. Congress would delay progress in implementing the KORUS Free Trade Agreement. On the other hand, a note of optimism was struck on the prospects for Korea’s inclusion in the visa waiver program, a step that all agreed would enhance the vitality of the alliance by facilitating more person-to-person contacts.

The Republic of Bloggers

Posted on April 10, 2008May 25, 2026 by

With some of the highest rates of broadband and wireless Internet penetration in the world, Korea and Japan are home to thriving online communities that affect politics, shape public opinion, and forge new forms of social bonding. In Korea, the net has empowered citizen journalism and created a new national pastime of “massively multiplayer online games.” According to the Washington Post, more blogs are written in Japanese than in English, despite the fact that English speakers outnumber Japanese speakers by five to one. Both countries are bastions of participatory Internet use, but what accounts for subtle differences in user attitudes and behavior? In addition to exploring the challenges and lessons learned by people blogging about Korean and Japanese society and politics, the panel discusses how the peculiarities of Japanese and Korean political and online cultures affect participatory democracy in those countries, and whether these experiences will be a bellwether for the global community.

This program takes place in conjunction with the ongoing, two-year, Ethical Blogger project conducted by Brown University’s Watson Institute, the Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs, Demos, NYU’s Center for Global Affairs, and Oxford University’s Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism.

Introductory remarks by Devin T. Stewart, Director, Editor, Global Policy Innovations program, Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs

Thursday, April 10, 2008

with

David Weinberger
Author, Fellow, Harvard Berkman Center for Internet & Society

Wendy H.K. Chun
Associate Professor of Modern Culture and Media, Brown University

Tobias Harris
Publisher, ObservingJapan.com; freelance blogger and journalist

Stuart Thorson
Professor of Political Science, Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University

Samuel Jamier
Senior Program Officer, Contemporary Issues & Corporate Affairs, The Korea Society

Moderated by

Daniel B. Levine
The Korea Society

The New York Philharmonic

Posted on April 1, 2008May 25, 2026 by

A Panel Discussion

When the New York Philharmonic became the first American orchestra to play in North Korea on February 26, 2008, decades worth of Cold War reality was stood on its head. With the stars and stripes standing on stage, the 1500 North Koreans in the audience stood at attention as the musicians launched into America’s national anthem.

A month later, four of those who orchestrated and covered the concert-Zarin Mehta, president and executive director of the New York Philharmonic; Daniel Wakin, culture reporter for the New York Times; Chuck R. Lustig, director of foreign news for ABC News; and Evans J.R. Revere, president of The Korea Society-gathered on a panel to share their behind-the-scenes observations of the event.

Mehta described how, hearing about the initial invitation to play in Pyongyang from a South Korean reporter, he laughed it off. When the offer was made formally, Mehta was wary. The Philharmonic is exacting about the arrangements for its concerts and the North Koreans are notoriously recalcitrant negotiators. Once preparations began, however, he found that the North Koreans were so eager to have the orchestra play that they made all necessary accommodations willingly.

When the orchestra members arrived in Pyongyang, the North Koreans provided them and the accompanying press entourage with lavish accommodations. “I thought they were consciously trying to counter the common tropes of North Korea reporting, that it’s cold, dark and food is scarce,” said Wakin. “There was lots of food, the hotel was overheated and the lights were on everywhere.” As he was constantly being observed by official minders, however, Wakin added that he was never quite sure what about his surroundings was real and what wasn’t.

Lustig, who had made several previous visits to the country, found the officials he worked with to be accommodating as well. He felt that the North Koreans he and his crew dealt with genuinely wanted the event to be a success.

The high point of the event, for all the panelists, was watching the North Korean audience react to the New York Philharmonic’s performance. Uncertain or hesitant at first, eventually the audience was transparent in expressing their appreciation of the music. Wakin said that tears welled up in his minder’s eyes when the orchestra played Arirang. “I felt like at that point I really hit reality,” he said.
Read the Press Release

Tuesday, April 1, 2008

The New York Philharmonic

A Panel Discussion

with

Zarin Mehta
President and Executive Director, New York Philharmonic

Daniel J. Wakin
Culture Reporter, The New York Times

Chuck R. Lustig
Director of Foreign News, ABC News

Moderated by

Evans J.R. Revere
President, The Korea Society

North Korea: Market Opportunity, Poverty and the Provinces

Posted on February 12, 2008May 25, 2026 by

When assessing the impact of the mid-1990s famine on the North Korean population, experts have been working on an assumption: that North Koreans living in the country’s breadbasket provinces were relatively better nourished than those in other provinces. Though a reasonable premise, Hazel Smith, professor of international relations at Warwick University and author of Hungry for Peace: International Security, Humanitarian Assistance and Social Change in North Korea, has researched reams of data and found that the variable impact of the famine on North Koreans had less to do with the agricultural production of their province than with its economic fluidity.

Outlining the results of her research at The Korea Society, Smith explained that as food shortages became critical, the government’s public food distribution system collapsed and the population turned to informal, and previously illegal, market mechanisms to feed itself. Local markets sprang up across the country, developing more fully in some provinces than others. North Koreans who lived in provinces with well developed market structures ate better than those who didn’t.

The provinces that harvested the most food weren’t automatically the ones with the most developed markets. Smith cited the example of South Hwanghae. Though one of the country’s most agriculturally productive provinces, its marketization process faced obstacles. Close to Pyongyang, it was easy for central government authorities who opposed market systems to impose their authority in South Hwanghae. Geography was another important factor. Whereas the populations of provinces close to the border had opportunities to mix with Chinese merchants and jump start provincial commerce, South Hwanghae was far from the border and thus isolated. As a result, South Hwanghae residents suffered the most severe malnutrition in the country.
This pattern, of provinces with greater access to foreigners (and their hard currency) as well as greater openness to market mechanisms surviving the famine better, was consistent throughout the nationwide data.

Tuesday, February 12, 2008

North Korea: Market Opportunity, Poverty and the Provinces

with

Hazel Smith
Professor of International Relations, University of Warwick

Original Announcement:

During and after the famine of the mid-1990s, in the absence of state capacity, local administrative units and workplaces in the DPRK improvised, using their own resources, political, and historical relationships as well as a principle of self-reliance inherited from the long-gone socialist period. Hazel Smith will explain how physical, social and political capitals intersected with market opportunities, thus providing a framework for understanding the various survival opportunities and reconstruction paths that became available for different social groups. This explanatory framework functions to explain inequality for all social groups in the post-famine DPRK, whether defined by age, gender, occupation or regional provenance. In this presentation, she will focus on geographical location and use the province as the main unit of analysis.

Evolution of the U.S.-ROK Military Alliance

Posted on January 28, 2008May 25, 2026 by

The U.S.-ROK military alliance is strong, according to General B.B. Bell, commander of United States Forces Korea, and the time has come to make it stronger by implementing the agreed upon transfer of wartime operational control from American to Korean commanders.

Speaking with Evans J.R. Revere, president of The Korea Society, General Bell praised the simplicity of the two countries’ alliance agreement. Signed in 1953, the agreement embodies the allies’ mutual defense pledge that remains unchanged today. What has changed, Bell explained, is the joint command structure delineating responsibility for command of the allied forces on the Korean peninsula in any given situation.

This is covered in a separate agreement that exists independently of the alliance and is subject to change as circumstances warrant. In 1994, for example, responsibility for peacetime operations was shifted from an American to a Korean commander. More recently, the two allies have agreed to a parallel shift in wartime operational control that is scheduled to be implemented in 2012.

Noting that the ROK’s armed forces have improved tremendously over the last 20 years, Bell said that he had no qualms about placing American soldiers under a Korean commander. “We trust Korean general officers to lead senior theater command,” he said. “I proclaim proudly and loudly all the time that the competencies of the Korean flag officers are second to none.”

As the transfer date draws closer, however, concern has been voiced in both countries that the impending change in command structure represents a diminished American commitment to Korea.

While sensitive to these concerns, Bell does not share them. Korean control over the country’s defense is an important symbol of sovereignty and the alliance remained strong through the 1994 operational command transfer, despite similar worries expressed at the time.

Expressing confidence that a shared commitment to peace and stability in Northeast Asia will keep the alliance vital, Bell concluded: “This alliance has a reason for being that far exceeds the specific command and control structures.

Monday, January 28, 2008

Evolution of the U.S.-ROK Military Alliance
with

General B.B. Bell
Commander of United States Forces Korea

Original Announcement:

East Asia is a region of extraordinary opportunities and challenges. The U.S.–ROK alliance, one of seven U.S. mutual defense treaties, has been and should continue to be a cornerstone of America’s security posture in the region. However, many in both the U.S. and Korea still view the alliance as a legacy wartime arrangement useful only until a permanent peace treaty can be put in place on the peninsula. At that point, the argument goes, American troops should be brought home.

This argument is flawed. Both nations have an opportunity to look beyond the one-dimensional, albeit evolving, situation with North Korea, and explore the establishment of a long-term bilateral partnership based on a shared interest in working together to deal with East Asia’s opportunities, complexities and challenges. If we do this, our two vibrant democracies can contribute significantly to East Asian regional, and global, stability and security for decades to come.

Arts & Culture

Business & Economics

Education